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The Michigan Socialist | News | World News

The real war of liberation has begun...
All troops out now!

By MARTIN SCHREADER
Editor, the Michigan Socialist

The lucky ones: Young children made refugees by the presence of U.S. Marines around the Iraqi city of Fallujah. These children are forced to endure the weather and military guard dogs in order to wait for a time when they might be let back into their homes.

A LITTLE OVER a year ago, the American capitalists and their supporters thought they had every reason to celebrate.

The invasion of Iraq and the toppling of Saddam Hussein’s Ba’athist regime were hailed in the media as an astounding success. Nearly all the political representatives of capitalism were triumphantly proclaiming “a new day” for Iraq and reveling in the belief that they brought “liberation” to the Iraqi people.

In the 12 months since, as the invasion became an occupation, ongoing resistance chipped away at both the patience and the image of the occupiers. As the numbers of wounded and killed in action reached into the hundreds, retaliation by occupation forces escalated.

By the end of 2003, the American occupiers, and their allies in the so-called “Coalition of the Willing,” had begun to take their aggression and frustration out on Iraqi civilians. Reports began to surface of atrocities and war crimes committed against civilians suspected of being “sympathizers” of the resistance forces.

Many of these acts of aggression were carried out against an emerging movement among the Shi’ite religious community in Baghdad and the southern region of the country. Iraqi Shi’ites, who had been a favored target of the Ba’athist regime due to their religious kinship with Iran, began to organize themselves into militia groups.

In March of this year, the American viceroy in Iraq, Paul Bremer, ordered the closure of a small newspaper aimed at the Shi’a community in Baghdad’s “Sadr City” neighborhood because, they claimed, the publication advocated violence against the occupiers (an unsubstantiated charge).

And then, all hell broke loose.

Within days of this act, Shi’ite militias throughout Baghdad and southern Iraq had mobilized for combat.

By the anniversary of the Americans’ entrance into the Iraqi capital, these militias, now joined by hundreds of thousands of ordinary Iraqis of all religions and ethnicities, had seized control of most major cities south and west of Baghdad, including Falluja, Najaf and Karbala.

In northern cities like Tikrit, Kut and Kirkuk, Sunni militias exchanged gunfire with U.S. Marines. In Baghdad itself, armed strikes and demonstrations by workers are coupled with skirmishes between militias and American occupation forces.

The isolated pockets of resistance have given way to a generalized mobilization of the people against the occupation. Even the newly minted Iraqi Army has collapsed, with significant sections of it joining with the militias or formally declaring neutrality.

The situation in Iraq today is nothing short of a war of national liberation against colonial occupation.

THE SPARK THAT lit this prairie fire was the series of moves against Shi’ite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr. The son of a revered Shi’a religious figure (for whom Sadr City is named), and a self-proclaimed direct descendant of the Muslim prophet Muhammad, al-Sadr has been one of the most outspoken opponents of the occupation.

Moqtada al-Sadr

The first act was the closure of al-Sadr’s Baghdad newspaper, which, though small, was considered vital to the Shi’ite residents of Sadr City. The issuing of an arrest warrant for al-Sadr by the Coalition Provisional Authority, allegedly for the killing of a pro-American cleric shortly after the 2003 invasion, quickly followed.

When Shi’ite residents of Sadr City protested the arrest warrant and the closure of al-Sadr’s newspaper, the occupiers responded with rocket attacks from Apache helicopters. Close to 40 people were killed, and over 100 were wounded.

The result was open rebellion; militias supportive of al-Sadr, organized as the Army of the Hidden Imam (the al-Mahdi), rapidly took power in several cities, including Najaf and Karbala. In many of the areas where the al-Mahdi took power, the local councils appointed by the occupiers simply handed over control without a struggle.

Iraqis of all ages, both men and women, have joined in the new struggle. Sunni and Shi’ite militias have formed working agreements to common strikes against the occupiers, and have found support in both the religious (Chaldean) and ethnic (Kurdish) minority communities.

For his part, al-Sadr sought to appeal to the people of the United States for support and assistance: “I call upon the American people to stand beside your brothers and sisters, the Iraqi people, who are suffering an injustice by your rulers and the occupying army, and to help them in the transfer of power to honest Iraqis.”

This statement alone explodes the myth created by Washington — that all those opposing the occupation of Iraq are, at once, “anti-American” and akin to former CIA agent-turned-terrorist leader, Osama bin Laden.

Al-Sadr’s call quite clearly (and quite correctly) makes a distinction between the people of the U.S. and the regime of George W. Bush. He regards (again, quite correctly) the people of the United States and the people of Iraq to be “brothers [and sisters].”

This is a far cry from the reactionary religious fundamentalism commonly associated with al-Qa’ida and similar groups, which see no difference between the people and the government of a given country.

Such a distinction not only displays a kind of nuance and sophistication that is notably absent from the proclamations of the capitalist politicians in Washington, it also reflects an often-ignored reality within the U.S. itself.

FOR THE LAST 12 months, the people of this country have sat in shocked silence as the Bush regime has devastated one of the oldest civilizations on earth.

From the “shock and awe” attacks of the early days to the violent suppression of protests and torturing of innocent civilians, we have watched the destruction of an entire people for the benefit of corporate donors to Bush and his Republican Party.

The combined power and influence of the government, media and ruling class have sought to either win over or silence Americans into supporting the war.

However, these efforts have only partially worked; mass antiwar demonstrations still occur with regularity, involving tens of thousands of people.

As a result, the capitalists have to spend more time dealing with the domestic situation (i.e., the antiwar movement), instead of securing their interests in Iraq (which includes brutally and violently suppressing the anti-occupation movement).

Many of them thought that the victory of John Kerry in the race for the Democratic nomination would be enough to keep those who dissent in line (see related article). However, with the outbreak of the national liberation struggle in Iraq, the situation has once again went “out of control” of the ruling class.

There is now open talk of how long it will be before Bush’s proclamation that “all necessary force” will be used to suppress the national liberation struggle leads to the use of nuclear weapons.

For working people still caught in the grips of war propaganda and patriotism, the main concern seems to be how best to “save face.” That is, they are concerned about how to best end this situation without opening the people of this country to another attack on the scale of what happened on September 11, 2001.

While it is understandable that most people do not want to see another wanton attack on innocent civilians, most of whom really do not support the program of endless wars of conquest, the fact is that such “vulnerability” exists now because of the government’s agenda of war and repression.

The continued occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan, combined with uncritical support for the policies of the State of Israel in Occupied Palestine and a continued presence on Muslim “holy lands,” have been and continue to be the impetus for such attacks.

In other words: until the United States government ceases its role as imperialist superpower, the risk of another Sept. 11-style attack hangs over the heads of all Americans.

Broken: The charred remains of a U.S. CH-53 Sea Stallion helicopter outside of Fallujah, Iraq.

IT HAS BECOME clear that the only way the current war of national liberation could be successfully suppressed by the United States is for the Bush regime to commit to nothing short of genocide as its agenda.

As long as the occupation continues in its current form, the protracted conflict will continue to draw more and more Iraqis to the side of al-Sadr and the al-Mahdi.

Only immediate withdrawal of all occupiers or the brutal suppression of the Iraqi people can change that.

Certainly, the unconditional, immediate withdrawal of all occupation forces from Iraq would be a stinging defeat for the Bush regime and American imperialism in general.

However, the fact is that such a defeat is fundamentally more desirable than either continued occupation or the massacre of the Iraqi people — both of which will only lead to the loss of more innocent lives.

Anti-imperialist Socialists work for this kind of defeat, actively organizing and mobilizing people to demand the unconditional, immediate removal of all occupation forces from Iraq.

As part of this work, Socialists also point out that the only way to avoid this kind of bloody mess from happening again — the only way to secure real peace — is to transform the specific movement against war and imperialism into a general movement against capitalism and class rule.

In a conflict such as we see in Iraq today, where the people have armed themselves and are actively fighting against a foreign occupier, our sympathies and support are with the people.

We cannot reconcile our determined desire for a peaceful solution to the conflict in Iraq with acceptance of the continued occupation, and we cannot expect that such continuance would ever lead to a peaceful solution.

On the contrary, the continued occupation — to say nothing of its military victory over the forces of national liberation — would mean years and years more bloodshed and violence visited upon the Iraqi people (and, in turn, on the American people).

AT THE SAME TIME, while we Socialists stand in solidarity with our brothers and sisters in Iraq, by working and organizing for the immediate withdrawal of all occupation forces, we give no measure of support to al-Sadr’s religious movement.

Iraq has a long and proud history of secularism and democracy. Throughout the 20th century, the Iraqi people have continually fought to secure peace and freedom in their country.

Beginning with the anti-colonial struggles against the Ottomans and British, and continuing through the guerrilla struggles against the Ba’athists and now the “Coalition” occupiers, the people of Iraq — especially working people — have fought for freedom and self-determination.

However, in the vacuum of power created by the invasion and occupation of Iraq, religious figures like al-Sadr have been able to come forward and be political leaders.

The Iraqi people deserve better leaders. They deserve a leadership that best reflects the traditions of secularism and democracy that have defined the people of Iraq over the years. While al-Sadr is certainly a sight better than many other politically active religious leaders, he stands on a political platform that is at odds with the desires of the Iraqi people.

The only advice we can give our brothers and sisters in Iraq is to come together and build the organizations and bodies that can effectively and democratically govern the country.

The best place to start with such work is among the many independent trade unions, organizations of the unemployed and, where they exist, the democratically elected workers’ councils.

These bodies, still in many ways in their embryonic stages, can serve as the basis for a new democratic republic and new society in Iraq that is representative of the majority of the people.

It will be on the basis of such democratic assemblies and organizations of working people that a genuinely democratic (and socialist) solution can be created — a solution that can open the door to a better world for all humanity.

All articles are φ Copyleft 2003-2004, the Michigan Socialist
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